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4102.0
Australian Social Trends
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Australian
Social Trends
March 2012
Peter Harper
Acting Australian Statistician
AUSTRALIAN BUREAU OF STATISTICS CATALOGUE NO. 4102.0
ABS catalogue no. 4102.0
ISSN 1321-1781
© Commonwealth of Australia 2012
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 2.5 Australia licence.
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Contents
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Life on ‘Struggle St’: Australians in low economic resource
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ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
V
Introduction
Australian Social Trends draws on a wide range of data, sourced both from ABS and other agencies,
to present a picture of Australian society. This publication aims to inform decision-making, research
and discussion on social conditions in Australia. It covers social issues of current and ongoing
concern, population groups of interest, and changes in these over time.
The selection of articles aims to address current and perennial social concerns and to provide
answers to key social questions. Some topics are revisited as new data become available. The aim of
this approach is for each report to remain responsive to contemporary concerns, while
accumulating a more comprehensive picture of Australian social conditions over time. For this
reason, articles often include cross references to other relevant articles in the current issue, and in
previous issues. All articles published since 1994 are available from the Australian Social Trends
page of the ABS web site: www.abs.gov.au/socialtrends.
Australian Social Trends is structured according to the ABS Wellbeing Framework which identifies
areas of social concern, population groups and transactions among people and entities within their
social environments (see ABS Measuring Wellbeing: Frameworks for Australian Social Statistics, 2001 —
cat. no. 4160.0). The broad areas of social concern are:
e population
e family and community
e = health
e education and training
e work
e economic resources
e housing
e crime and justice
e culture and leisure
e other areas - including environment, religion, and transport and communication.
Australian Social Trends is now issued on a quarterly basis, and in the course of a year the articles
will cover a wide range of the areas of social concern.
The articles focus strongly on people and social concerns. Each article aims to tell a story, providing
a sense of the social and historical context in which a particular topic is embedded, moving from
the general to the specific, and using statistics to bring light to the issue. Articles aim to balance
‘what’ analysis (relating the relevant statistical facts surrounding the issue, e.g. number,
characteristics, change over time, sex, age and other differences), with 'why' analysis (providing
context and explanation by highlighting relevant social changes and events and the chronologies of
these). For example, an article on work may examine current labour force participation, how the
labour market has changed over time, how different groups of people are affected by social and
economic conditions, and how these factors may be linked to observed employment trends.
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
Vil
People’s material standard of living is largely
determined by their access to economic
resources and the consumption possibilities this
provides. While regular income is an important
economic resource for many people, wealth in
the form of bank accounts, shares,
superannuation or property can be drawn upon
to smooth and support consumption over time,
including during periods of low income.!
This article looks at the characteristics of people
in households with both relatively low income
and relatively low wealth (low economic
resources). The advantage of taking into
account wealth as well as income is that it
excludes those with high wealth who enjoy
reasonable levels of consumption despite a low
level of income. This approach is therefore
more likely to capture people most at risk of
experiencing economic hardship, than analyses
of income alone.
People in low economic resource
households
Australia experienced almost two decades of
economic growth from the end of the recession
of the early 1990s to the start of the downturn
associated with the Global Financial Crisis in
the late 2000s. This led to increases in income
and wealth, but the benefits have been felt by
some more than others.
In 2009-10, nearly one in four people (23% or 4.9
million people) lived in households that were in the
lowest two quintiles of both equivalised adjusted
disposable household income and the lowest two
quintiles of equivalised household net worth.
People and households by economic resources
— 2009-10
Low economic
resources(a) Other Total
% millions % millions % ~~ millions
People 22.6 4.9 77.4 16.7 100.0 21.6
Aged 0-14
years 38.0 1.6 62.0 2.6 100.0 4.2
Aged 15 years
and over 19.0 3.3 81.0 14.1 100.0 17.1
Households 20.4 1.7 79.6 6.7 100.0 8.4
People per
household 2.9 2.5 2.6
(a) Households in the two lowest quintiles for both equivalised adjusted
disposable household income (adjusted to include imputed rent) and
equivalised household net worth.
. . not applicable
Source: ABS 2009-10 Survey of Income and Housing
Life on ‘Struggle Street’
Australians in low economic resource households
Data sources and definitions
This article uses data from the ABS 2003-04 and
2009-10 Surveys of Income and Housing, and the
ABS 2009-10 Household Expenditure Survey.
People with low economic resources (i.e. low
consumption possibilities) are those in households
in the lowest two quintiles (i.e. 40%) of both
equivalised adjusted disposable household income
and equivalised household net worth. People in
other households are those who are not in low
economic resource households.
A household’s income consists of all current
receipts, whether monetary or in kind, that are
received by a household or by individual members
of a household, and which are available for, or
intended to support, current consumption. This
includes income from wages and salaries
(including salary sacrificed or salary package
arrangements), profit or loss from own
unincorporated business, investment income,
government pensions and allowances,
superannuation, workers’ compensation and child
support.
Disposable income is the income remaining after
income tax, the Medicare levy and the Medicare
levy surcharge are deducted.
Adjusted disposable household income is
disposable household income, including net
imputed rent.
Net imputed rent is an estimate of the value of
housing services that households receive from
home ownership, from paying subsidised rent, or
from occupying a dwelling rent-free. It is equal to
the estimated market rent that a dwelling would
attract if it were to be commercially rented, less
housing costs that would be paid by a landlord.
To enable comparison of the relative economic
wellbeing of households of different size and
composition, measures of income, wealth and
expenditure in this article have been adjusted or
equivalised to take account of these differences. For
a lone person household, the equivalised value is
equal to the original value. For a household
containing more than one person, it is an indicator
of the level that would be needed by a lone person
household to enjoy the same level of economic
wellbeing as the household in question.
Net worth or wealth is the value of a household’s
assets less the value of its liabilities.
Quintiles are groupings that result from ranking all
households or people in the population in
ascending order according the relevant
characteristic (e.g. income, expenditure, or wealth)
and then dividing the population into five equal
groups, each comprising 20% of the population.
These low economic resource households have,
on average, more household members (2.9
people) than other households (2.5 people).
Children were twice as likely as adults to live in
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
1
low economic resource households. In 2009-10,
1.6 million children aged 0 to 14 years (38%)
lived in low economic resource households,
with 3.3 million people aged 15 years and over
(19%).
Income and wealth
A person’s economic resources and their
potential standard of living are related to their
household’s characteristics. In 2009-10, the
average weekly equivalised adjusted disposable
household income of people in low economic
resource households ($465) was less than half
(45%) that of people in other households
($1,033).
After adjusting for inflation, incomes of those in
households with low economic resources
increased in real terms by 21% between 2003-04
and 2009-10, compared with a 27% rise across
other households.?
This disparity between people in low economic
resource households and the rest of the
population is even more pronounced when it
comes to wealth. The average equivalised net
worth of people in households with low
The disparity in both income and wealth between
low economic resource households and the rest of
the population has increased since 2003-04.
economic resources in 2009-10 ($53,500) was
one tenth of the average across other
households ($509,800). After adjusting for
inflation, the net worth of low economic
resource households had not increased
significantly since 2003-04, while the average
net worth across all other households had
increased by 29%.
These data indicate that the disparity in both
income and wealth between those in low
economic resource households and the rest of
the population had grown over the six years to
2009-10.
Further Definitions
Dependent children include all children aged under
15 years, and people aged 15-24 years who are full-
time students, have a parent in the household and
do not have a partner or child of their own in the
household.
The reference person for each household is the
person aged 15 years or over who (in order of
selection): has the highest tenure type; is one of the
partners in a registered or de facto marriage; is a
lone parent with dependent children; is the person
with the highest income; or is the eldest person.
.. household composition
In 2009-10, one in five (20% or 1.7 million)
households were classified as having low
economic resources. The proportion varied
according to the composition of the household
and the age of the household members,
reflecting the fact that people are at greater risk
of economic hardship at particular stages in the
life course.
Among households comprising one parent with
dependent children, three in five (59%) were
classified as having low economic resources.
One parent households accounted for only 6%
of all households, but made up 18% of low
economic resource households.
Couples with only dependent children were
also more likely than average to have low
economic resources (24%). Among these
households, those whose eldest child was aged
less than 15 years were more likely to have low
economic resources (27%) than those with older
children (18%).
The proportion of households classified as
having low economic resources increased with
the number of children in the household — from
28% of households with one child aged less
than 15 years, to 33% of those with two
children, and 49% of households with three or
more children aged less than 15 years.
Income, expenditure and wealth by economic resources — 2009-10
Average weekly equivalised adjusted disposable
household income(b)
Average weekly equivalised adjusted household
expenditure(b)
Average equivalised household net worth
Households
Low economic
resource
Units households(a)
Other
households All households
S 465 1 033 905
S 500 872 789
$’000 53.5 509.8 406.5
millions 1.7 6.7 8.4
(a) People in the two lowest quintiles for both equivalised adjusted disposable household income (adjusted to include imputed
rent) and equivalised household net worth.
(b) Adjusted to include imputed rent.
Source: ABS 2009-10 Survey of Income and Housing; ABS 2009-10 Household Expenditure Survey
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
2
Low economic resource households as a proportion of households in selected life
cycle groups — 2009-10
Lone person aged under 35
Couple only, reference person aged under 35
Couple with dependent children only
One parent with dependent children only
Couple with dependent and non-dependent children only
Couple with non-dependent children only
Couple only, reference person aged 55-64
Couple only, reference person aged 65+
Lone person aged 65+
Other
All households
Source: ABS 2009-10 Survey of Income and Housing
The likelihood of having low economic
resources was much lower among households
with older couples and those without
dependent children. Only 6% of households
comprising a couple with non-dependent
children fell into the low economic resource
category. Older couples living by themselves
were also less likely than average to have low
economic resources, regardless of whether the
reference person was aged 55-64 years (6%), or
65 years and over (8%). While lower income
levels were quite common among households
comprising a couple aged 65 years and over
(63% were in the lowest two quintiles of
income), relatively higher levels of wealth
among these households (only 13% were in the
lowest two quintiles of net worth) explains why
relatively few were counted among low
economic resource households.
Among older people, living alone was
associated with a greater risk of economic
hardship. One in five (20%) people aged 65
years and over who were living alone were
considered to have low economic resources.
...work
Employment plays a key role in economic
wellbeing for many people as it is the main way
people obtain the economic resources needed to
support current household living expenses as
well as to save for retirement. Depending on
circumstances, a lack of employment for
household members may increase the risk of
economic hardship.
The average number of people employed in low
economic resource households in 2009-10 was
considerably lower than in other households
(0.8 compared with 1.4 people). The average
hours of paid work, in total by all members in
households with low economic resources (27
hours per week), was half that of other
households (54 hours per week). These
differences are partly due to the lower
proportion of people of working age in low
economic resources households.
Households with no-one employed were twice
as likely to have low economic resources (32%)
as those with at least one person employed
(16%). Similarly, households where only one
person was employed were twice as likely to
have low economic resources (24%) as those
where two people were employed (11%).
The importance of employment to household
economic wellbeing was particularly apparent
for those with young children. Of households
comprising a couple with dependent children
where no-one was working, 70% were
identified as having low economic resources,
compared with only 22% where at least one
person was working. Among one parent
households with dependent children where
no-one was employed, 88% had low economic
resources, compared with 42% in which
someone was employed.
Having someone in the household employed
does not necessarily guarantee relatively higher
economic resources. In 2009-10, more than a
third (37%) of households with one part-time
worker only, fell within the low economic
resource group. Even among households with
one full-time worker only, one in five (20%) had
low economic resources.
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
3
Selected household characteristics by economic resources — 2009-10
Low economic
resource Other All
Units households(a) households households
Median age of household reference person(b) years 42 51 49
Average number of people no. 2.9 2.5 2.6
Average number of employed people no. 0.8 1.4 1.3
Average weekly hours worked(c) no. 26.6 53.9 48.3
Main source of household income from wages and
salaries % 48.5 73. 67.8
Main source of household income from government %
pensions and allowances 43.8 13.0 19.9
Home owner without a mortgage 7 4.2 34.1 27.3
Home owner with a mortgage 7 27.5 47.8 43.2
Public housing 7 13.0 0.5 3.3
Private renter 7 50.2 15.2 23.1
(a) People in the two lowest quintiles for both equivalised disposable household income (adjusted to include imputed rent)
and equivalised net worth.
(b) Median age refers to the age which divides the group into two equal parts, one half being below this age, the other half
being above.
(c) Total average hours worked by all household members in their main and second job.
Source: ABS 2009-10 Survey of Income and Housing
..main source of income wages and salary as their main source of
household income, compared with nearly three
quarters (73%) of people across other
households.
Of those living in one parent households with
low economic resources, nearly three-quarters
(74%) relied on government pensions and
allowances as their main source of household
income. In lone person and couple only
households where the reference person was 65
years and over and which had low economic
resources, 99% relied on government pensions
and allowances as their main source of income.
The lower levels of employment among low
economic resource households were reflected in
relatively high reliance on government
pensions and allowances. Of people in low
economic resource households in 2009-10, 44%
relied on government pensions and allowances
as their main source of household income. This
compares with 13% of people across other
households. Around half of people in low
economic resource households (49%) had
Government benefits, taxes, and
income distribution
The government tax and transfer system
redistributes economic resources to assist those in
the community who are most in need of financial
support.
... NOUSINg
People’s command over economic resources can
influence their housing opportunities and
particularly their chances of owning their own
home. Less than a third (32%) of people in low
economic resource households lived in an
owner occupied dwelling (and only 4% in
mortgage free dwellings), compared with 82%
of other people (including 34% in mortgage free
dwellings). The lower ownership rates partly
reflect the younger age profile of those in low
economic resource households, with many at a
stage in the life course during which home
The income measure used in this article includes
government benefits, pensions and allowances
received in cash. However, the most
comprehensive income measure, final income —
equal to adjusted disposable household income
plus government social transfers in kind (e.g.
health, education and housing), less taxes on
production and consumption) — will become
available when the results of the 2009-10 study are
released in Government Benefits, Taxes and Household
Income, Australia, 2009-10 (cat. no. 6537.0) on 29
June 2012.
Results from the ABS 2003-04 study showed that
the net effect of the full range of government
benefits and taxes on the distribution of household
income was an increase in the income of
households in the lower income groups, and a
decrease in the average income of households in
the higher income groups.
ownership is less common.
Those in low economic resource households
were much more likely to be renting in public
housing (13% compared with 1% across all
other households). As might be expected, 89%
of all public housing tenants lived in low
economic resource households.
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
4
Expenditure patterns of low
economic resource households
While information on people’s economic
resources (i.e. their income and wealth)
provides insight into their consumption
possibilities, expenditure on goods and services
provides information about their actual
consumption, and gives an indication of their
material standard of living.
In 2009-10, the average weekly equivalised
expenditure (adjusted to include imputed rent)
on goods and services of people in low
economic resource households ($500) was 57%
of the average expenditure of other households
($872).
Between 2003-04 and 2009-10, after controlling
for inflation, the weekly equivalised adjusted
household expenditure of people in low
economic resource households increased by
14% ($61). The average expenditure of other
households increased by 17% ($126) over the
same period.
Housing, food and transport were the broad
expenditure items that accounted for the largest
proportion of expenditure on goods and
services across both low economic resource
households and other households. Among
those in low economic resource households,
these items accounted for 57% of total
expenditure, while for those in other
households they accounted for 45%.
The equivalised expenditure on housing of
those who lived in low economic resource
households ($133 per week) was similar to that
of people in other households ($130). However,
housing represented a greater proportion of
total expenditure on goods and services for
those in low economic resource households
(27% compared with 15%).
The average weekly equivalised expenditure on
food among low economic resource households
($89) was 67% of that spent by other
households ($132). Transport costs accounted
for 13% of total goods and services expenditure
among low economic resource households and
15% for other households. In terms of levels, the
equivalised expenditure on transport among
low economic resource households ($62 per
week) was less than half that among other
households ($130), on average.
It was a similar situation with expenditure on
recreation, with low economic resource households
spending 10% of their total expenditure on
recreation, compared with 12% for people in other
households. However, those in low economic
resource households had considerably lower
equivalised expenditures on recreation ($50 per
week) than people in other households ($108).
Weekly equivalised expenditure by economic resources — 2009-10
Broad expenditure unit
Goods and services
Current housing costs (selected dwelling)
Domestic fuel and power
Food and non-alcoholic beverages
Alcoholic beverages
Tobacco products
Clothing and footwear
Household furnishings and equipment
Household services and operation
Medical care and health expenses
Transport
Recreation
Personal care
Miscellaneous goods and services
Average weekly equivalised adjusted
expenditure on goods and services(b)
resource
households(a) Other households All households
S % S % S %
133 26.6 130 15.0 131 16.6
17 3.3 20 2.3 19 2.4
89 17.8 132 1531 122 15.5
10 1.9 21 2.4 19 2.4
10 1.9 7 0.8 7 0.9
16 3.2 30 3.4 27 3.4
16 3.2 40 4.5 34 4.3
29 5.9 44 5.1 A1 5.2
15 3.0 45 5.1 38 4.8
62 12.5 130 14.9 115 14.5
50 10.0 108 12.4 95 12.0
8 1.6 16 1.8 14 1.8
34 6.8 80 9.2 70 8.9
500 #£100.0 872 100.0 789 100.0
Low economic
(a) People in the two lowest quintiles for both equivalised adjusted disposable household income (adjusted to include
imputed rent) and equivalised household net worth.
(b) Adjusted to include imputed rent.
Source: ABS 2009-10 Household Expenditure Survey; ABS 2009-10 Survey of Income and Housing
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
5
Selected indicators of financial stress(a) by economic resources — 2009-10
Low economic
resource Other All
Household experience households(b) households households
% % %
Spend more money than we get 24.4 12.5 14.9
Unable to raise $2,000 for something important in a week 43.3 7.0 14.4
Could not pay gas/electricity/telephone bill on time 31.0 7.9 12.5
Could not pay registration/insurance on time 12.3 3.2 5.0
Pawned or sold something 8.1 1.3 2.7
Unable to heat home 6.3 0.8 1.9
Went without meals 10.1 1.4 3.2
Sought financial assistance from friends/family 20.1 4.9 7.9
Sought assistance from welfare/community organisation 10.3 0.9 2.8
millions millions millions
Total households 1.7 6.7 8.4
(a) Household situation over the past 12 months.
(b) People in the two lowest quintiles for both equivalised adjusted disposable household income (adjusted to include
imputed rent) and equivalised net worth.
Source: ABS 2009-10 Survey of Income and Housing
People in low economic resource households
had lower equivalised expenditures on medical
and health care than those in other households,
both in proportional terms (3% and 5%,
respectively), as well as levels ($15 and $45 per
week, respectively). This may be due to the
younger age profile of people in low economic
resource households. Additionally, two-thirds
(67%) of low economic resource households
had at least one person who had access to
subsidised health care through government
concession cards, compared with one-third
(34%) of other households.
Financial stress
While people who are comparatively well off
can experience financial stress and perceptions
of stress can vary within a household, different
rates of stress observed across groups can
provide valuable additional insights into their
relative material wellbeing.
..ability to save income
In 2009-10, 17% of households with low
economic resources reported being able to save
money most weeks, compared with 46% of
other households. Around a quarter (24%) of
low economic resource households reported
spending more money than they received most
weeks, twice the rate of other households
(12%). This gives an indication of the extent to
which people, particularly in low economic
resource households, may be forced to draw
upon their limited assets or rely on credit from
week to week simply to make ends meet.
..ability to raise emergency money
An important element of financial security is
the ability to meet unexpected expenses. In
2009-10, 43% of low economic resource
households reported that they would not be
able to raise $2,000 in a week for something
important. In contrast, only 7% of other
households reported being in this position.
..other indicators of financial stress
A range of other indicators of financial stress
were more prevalent among low economic
resource households: 10% reported that they
had gone without meals in the past 12 months
due to cash flow problems, while 8% had
resorted to pawning or selling possessions. By
contrast, only 1% of other households had been
forced to either of these lengths.
Close to a third (31%) of low economic resource
households reported that they had been unable
to pay a utility bill on time in the past 12
months, and 20% had sought financial help
from friends or family due to cash flow
problems. This compares with 8% and 5%,
respectively, among other households. One in
ten (10%) low economic resource households
were forced to seek assistance from welfare or
community organisations, compared with 1%
of other households.
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
Looking ahead
While there will always be disparities between
households in terms of income and wealth, the
tax and transfers system, along with other
government interventions, serve to minimise
the risk of economic hardship, particularly at
critical points in the life course.
The 2011 Henry review into Australia’s tax and
transfer system outlined a number of
challenges facing the country over the coming
decades.* These include the need to increase
participation and productivity in the workforce;
maintain the adequacy and sustainability of the
tax and transfer system in the context of an
ageing population; increase retirement savings
through the superannuation system; and
increase housing affordability. These key
directions were set with a view to the
importance of policies that not only redistribute
income but that also promote growth of
incomes at all levels.
Endnotes
1 Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2001, Measuring
Wellbeing: Frameworks for Australian Social
Statistics, 2001, cat. No. 4160.0.
<www.abs.gov.au>.
2 Estimates of income for 2003-04 are not directly
comparable with 2009-10 due to improvements in
measuring income. Estimates for 2003-04 have
been recompiled to reflect the new treatment of
income, where data are available to support this
calculation.
3 Australian Government 2011, Australia’s future tax
system, viewed 27 February 2012
<www.taxreview.treasury. gov.au >.
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
7
Anyone in society can experience a period of
homelessness at some stage in their life.
Adverse life events or circumstances, such as
illness or being the victim of violence, may
trigger an episode of homelessness that, for
some, may only be short lived. However, others
experiencing homelessness may have struggled
with considerable personal disadvantage
throughout their lives.' In such circumstances
there may be less personal, family or
community resources at their command to
either avoid or quickly recover from an episode
of homelessness.
People who are experiencing or have
experienced homelessness can be disconnected
from employment and education institutions,
be socially excluded from support networks,
and are more likely to experience poorer
physical and mental health.!
This article examines a range of socio-economic
indicators of those who had experienced at least
one episode of homelessness in the last 10
years, but were no longer homeless. It does not
examine causal relationships between
homelessness and people’s circumstances.
Who has been homeless?
In 2010, 1.1 million adults (7% of the 16.8
million adult population living in private
dwellings) had experienced homelessness at
some time in the previous 10 years. There were
a similar number of men and women in this
group.
Age distribution —2010(a)(b)
= @ Persons homeless in the last 10 y ears
@ Persons who have never been homeless
| a
iam
0
18-34
35-54
Age group (years)
(a) Age reported at time of survey.
(b) Excludes persons who had been homeless more than 10 years ago.
55 and over
Source: ABS 2010 General Social Survey
Bitew-)itcla mle)aalaes alec
Data sources and definitions
Data in this article are from the ABS 2010 General
Social Survey (GSS). The GSS provides a very wide
range of information about people who, at the time
the survey, were living as usual residents of private
dwellings in Australia (excluding very remote
areas). The GSS, therefore, does not include people
who, at the time of the survey, were staying in
homeless shelters; sleeping rough; staying
temporarily with other households; or staying in
boarding houses. Therefore very few people who
may have been experiencing homelessness at the
time of the survey will have responded to the
survey. See ABS General Social Survey: Summary
Results, Australia, 2010 (cat. no. 4159.0).
In this article, Homelessness is defined as a
reported period in the past when the respondent
had no permanent place to live as a result of:
violence/abuse/neglect; tight housing market/rental
market; family/friend/relationship problems;
financial problems; alcohol or drug use; mental
illness; gambling; job loss; eviction and natural
disasters. While there were 965,000 adults whose
most recent period of homelessness had been more
than 10 years ago, this article focuses on the 1.1
million people who had at least one episode of
homelessness in the last 10 years.
Never been homeless refers to people aged 18 years
and over who had never experienced
homelessness. It includes both people who had
never been without a permanent place to live, or
for whom the only reasons for being without a
permanent place to live were: travelling/on
holidays; work related reasons; just moving
back/into town or city; house sitting; saving money;
and building or renovating a home.
Age standardisation removes the effect of age
when comparing socio-economic characteristics
between the population who had experienced
homelessness in the past 10 years with those who
had never been homeless.
Socio-Economic Indexes for Areas (SEIEA)
summarise different combinations of the social and
economic information from the Census of
Population and Housing to allow ranking of
regions/areas, by the level of social and economic
well-being in each region. The SEIFA Index of
Relative Socio-Economic Disadvantage includes
attributes such as low income, low educational
attainment, high unemployment and jobs in
relatively unskilled occupations. The index refers to
the on average population of the area in which a
person lives, not to the socio-economic situation of
any particular individual. The first quintile
represents the areas of most disadvantage and the
fifth quintile represents the areas of least relative
disadvantage.
...age
People who reported experiencing
homelessness in the last 10 years were generally
younger than those who had never been
homeless. While one third (32%) of the general
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
8
adult population were aged 18-34 years, this
age group accounted for 55% of those who had
been homeless. In contrast, while those aged 55
years and over also accounted for one third
(32%) of the general adult population, only 11%
of those who had experienced homelessness
were 55 years or over.
..education
People who had experienced homelessness in
the last 10 years reported lower levels of
educational attainment. After standardising for
age, of adults who had been homeless, one
third (33%) had not gone beyond Year 10 at
school nor obtained a non-school qualification
above Certificate II level, compared with 23% of
those who had never been homeless. Having
been homeless was also associated with a lower
likelihood of having obtained a Bachelor degree
or higher (17% compared with 24% of those
who had never been homeless).
..disability and long-term health
condition
Adults who had been homeless in the last 10
years were much more likely to report having a
disability or long-term health condition (64%)
compared with those who had never been
homeless (37%). People who had a disability or
long-term health condition and had been
homeless in the last 10 years were four times as
likely to report that they had a disability type or
restriction which was psychological (22%
compared with 5%).
Living Conditions
..employment
Being employed has many benefits aside from
financial ones, such as providing the
opportunity to build networks and have social
interaction. It can also assist with building
confidence, developing a sense of pride and
achievement and motivating people. People
who are unemployed or not in the labour force
may be more vulnerable to missing out on these
opportunities.
More definitions
A person has a disability or long-term health condition if they
have a limitation, restriction, impairment, disease or disorder,
which has lasted, or is likely to last, for at least six months
and/or restricts everyday activities.
Unemployed people are those aged 18 years and over who were
not employed, but were actively looking for work in the four
weeks prior to the survey and available to start work in the
week prior to the survey.
Not in the labour force refers to people aged 18 years and over
who were not employed and who were not actively looking for
work in the four weeks prior to the survey.
People reporting a disability or long-term
health condition or restriction type(a)(b)
Homeless in the Never been
last 10 years (b)(c) homeless
% %
Sight, hearing, speech 23 13
Physical 47 24
Intellectual 6 2
Psychological 22
Head injury, stroke or brain
damage 2 1
Other condition which
restricts every day
activities(d) 32 18
Has no disability or long-term
health condition 36 63
(a) A disability or long-term health condition type or restriction may be
reported more than once and / or a person may report more than one
condition, hence categories may not add to 100%.
(b) Excludes persons who had been homeless more than 10 years ago.
(c) Adults who experienced homelessness in the last 10 years.
(d) Other condition which restricts every day activities includes any other
long term condition that requires treatment or medication and any
other long term condition such as arthritis, asthma, heart disease,
Alzheimer's disease, dementia etc.
Source: ABS 2010 General Social Survey
In 2010, adults who had been homeless in the
last 10 years were more likely to report being
unemployed (9%) than those who had never
been homeless (3%). They were also more likely
to not be in the labour force (41% compared
with 31%).
Income
Adults who had been homeless were twice as
likely to report that their main source of
personal income was a government pension or
allowance compared with those who had never
been homeless (48% compared with 24%).
Household income—2010(a)(b)(c)
0
a @ Persons homeless in the last 10 y ears
@ Persons who have never been homeless
>| =
' 4
10
Lowest
quintile
Third
quintile
Fourth
quintile
Second
quintile
Highest
quintile
Equivalised gross weekly household income
(a) Age standardised.
(b) Excludes persons who had been homeless more than 10 years ago.
(c) Totals exclude ‘not known’ or ‘not stated’.
Source: ABS 2010 General Social Survey
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
Selected cash flow problems(a)(b)(c)(d)
Cash flow problems reported
within the last 12 months
Homeless in the Never been
last 10 years(e) homeless
% %
Household could not pay electricity, gas,
or telephone bills on time 38 10
Household could not pay mortgage or
rent payments on time 11 4
Household could not pay for car
registration or insurance on time 14 5
Household could not make minimum
payment on credit card 12 5
Household pawned or sold something
because cash was needed 11 2
Members in household went without
meals 11 1
Members in household were unable to
heat home 5 1
Members in household sought financial
help from friends or family 22 s
Members in household sought assistance
from welfare /community organisations 12 1
Households reporting three or more cash
flow problems 23 5
(a) In the 12 months prior to the survey.
(b) Age standardised.
(c) Excludes persons who had been homeless more than 10 years ago.
(d) Excludes not known or not stated.
(e) Adults who experienced homelessness in the last 10 years.
Source: ABS 2010 General Social Survey
Adults who had experienced homelessness
were more likely to live in a lower income
household than those who had never been
homeless. In 2010, three in five (59%) of the
adults who had experienced at least one
episode of homelessness in the 10 years prior to
the survey were in the bottom 40% of the
household income distribution (after adjusting
eross household incomes for household size
and composition), compared with 36% of those
who had never been homeless.
.. living arrangements
Adults who had been homeless in the last 10
years were more than twice as likely to be in a
one parent family (17% compared with 8%) and
much more likely to be living alone (28%
compared with 12%) or in a group household
(9% compared with 3%) than adults who had
never been homeless.
Adults who had experienced homelessness in
the last 10 years were five times more likely to
be living in public housing than those who had
never been homeless (10% compared with 2%).
They were also twice as likely to be renting
privately (45% compared with 20%), and much
less likely to live in an owner occupied
dwelling (38% compared with 74%).
..financial stress
Adults who had experienced homelessness
within the last 10 years were more likely to live
in households constrained in their activities
because of a shortage of money.
In the 12 months prior to being surveyed,
almost one quarter (23%) of people who had
experienced homelessness lived in households
which reported having three or more different
types of cash flow problems (compared with
5% of people who had never been homeless).
Of adults who had been homeless in the last 10
years, 38% reported being unable to pay
electricity, gas or telephone bills on time,
compared with 10% of people who had never
been homeless, while one in ten (11%) of the
adults who had been homeless reported that a
member of their household went without
meals, compared with 1% of people who had
never been homeless.
Where do they live now?
Compared with persons who had never been
homeless, in 2010, people who had experienced
homelessness in the last 10 years were more
likely to be currently living in more
disadvantaged areas.
People who had experienced homelessness in
the last 10 years were more likely to report
neighbourhood problems than people who had
never experienced homelessness. Of those
reporting problems, they were twice as likely to
report that using or dealing drugs was a local
neighbourhood problem (28% compared with
Relative disadvantage of area—2010(a)(b)(c)(d)
7 @ Persons homeless in the last 10 y ears
G@ Persons who have never been homeless
20 |
10
0
Lowest Second Third Fourth Highest
quintile quintile quintile qunitile quintile
(a) Age standardised.
(b) Excludes persons who had been homeless more than 10 years ago.
(c) Excludes not known or not stated.
(d) SEIFA Index of Relative Disadvantage.
Source: ABS 2010 General Social Survey
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
13%). They were also more likely to report
people being insulted, pestered or intimidated
in the street (832% compared with 18%) and that
there were higher instances of offensive
language or behaviour in their local area (41%
compared with 29%).
Living in areas of social disadvantage with
limited community cohesion can place people
at greater risk of crime victimisation.” In 2010,
people who had been homeless within the last
10 years were almost three times as likely to
report being a victim of physical or threatened
violence in the 12 months prior to the survey,
compared with those who never had been
homeless (25% compared with 9%).
Seeking assistance
While there are services available to assist
people who are homeless or at risk of
homelessness, 60% of the 1.1 million adults
who had experienced at least one episode of
homelessness in the previous 10 years reported
that they had not sought assistance of formal
services when homeless. Most (81%) of those
who did not seek assistance felt that they had
not needed it.
Of the 460,000 people who had been homeless
and sought assistance from a service provider
for their most recent experience of
homelessness, over half (56%) had approached
housing service providers. Two-thirds (66%) of
those adults who did seek assistance from
services felt that the services were helpful.
Looking ahead
The experience of homelessness is not the same
for all people. The reasons people were
homeless in the last 10 years differed, as did the
length of time they had been homeless, the
number of episodes of homelessness that they
experienced, and whether or not they had
sought assistance to move out of homelessness.
The 2008 Australian Government White Paper
The Road Home, A National Approach to Reducing
Homelessness set an ambitious target to halve
homelessness by 2020 and offer supported
accommodation to all rough sleepers who need
i
The measures in the White paper were targeted
to both help prevent more Australians from
becoming homeless each year, and to
strengthen the provision of services for those
Australians who do become homeless.
Endnotes
Australian Government, 2008, The Road Home. A
national approach to reducing homelessness,
Department of Families, Housing, Community
Services and Indigenous Affairs, Canberra,
Australia, <www.fahcsia.gov.au>
2. Lee, M.R., 2000, 'Community cohesion and
violence predatory victimization: A theoretical
extension and cross-national test of opportunity
theory’, Social Forces 79(2), pp.683-706.
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
11
e)V-m Vitam Ble
Families are the building blocks of society,
facilitating generational renewal, human
interaction, and linking individuals to wider
society as a whole. Relationships are closely
linked with wellbeing, with families playing a
key role in socialising children and shaping the
future of society.
Changing patterns in divorce and cohabitation
over recent decades have resulted in differences
in family structure; however families still
remain a basic unit in society. While the rate of
marriages registered in Australia each year has
remained relatively stable in recent years,
Australians have been marrying at an older age,
and delaying having their first child until later
in life. More Australians are in de facto
relationships, and more are choosing non-
religious ceremonies if they do decide to marry.
This article looks at trends in marriage, de facto
relationships and divorce between 1990 and
2010, as well as the effect of these trends on the
family.
How many marriages?
Over the last two decades, the crude marriage
rate fell from 6.9 registered marriages per 1,000
estimated resident population in 1990 to 5.4
marriages per 1,000 estimated resident population
in 2010. This decline in part reflects a changing
population structure.
There were 121,000 marriages registered in
2010, the most recorded in a single year in
Australia, and slightly more than the 120,000
matriages registered in 2009. Of the registered
matriages in 2010, 31% were religious
ceremonies, down from 58% in 1990. In
contrast, in 2010, 69% of marriage ceremonies
were conducted by civil celebrants, up from
42% in 1990.
Crude marriage rate — 1990 — 2010
—— Crude marriage rate ea
~—— Minister of religion
——— Civil celebrant
eee ;
4
SS ,
0
rs |
1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010
Year
(a) Marriages registered during a calendar year per 1,000 estimated
resident population.
Source: ABS 2010 Marriages and Divorces, Australia (cat. no. 3310.0), ABS
2008 Australian Historical Population Statistics (cat. no. 3105.0.65.001)
and ABS Australian Demographics Statistics Quarterly (cat. no. 3101.0)
Data sources and definitions
The main data sources for this article are the ABS
publications:
Marriages and Divorces, Australia, 2010 (cat. no.
3310.0)
Family Characteristics and Transitions, Australia,
2006-07 (cat. no. 4442.0)
Family Characteristics, Australia, 2009-10 (cat. no.
4442.0)
Births, Australia, 1993 and 2010 (cat. no. 3301.0)
The crude marriage rate represents the number of
matriages registered during a calendar year per
1,000 estimated resident population at 30 June of
the same year.
Age-specific marriage rates per 1,000 population
give the proportion of total estimated resident
population aged 16 years and over for a given
age-group who are married in a specific year.
The crude divorce rate represents the number of
divorces granted during a calendar year per 1,000
estimated resident population at 30 June of the
same year. Age-specific divorce rates provide a
more accurate representation of divorce rates by
taking account of both changes in the population
structure and changing rates of marriage, but are
not available for the most recent years examined
in this article.
Median is the value which divides the relevant
population into two equal parts, half falling below
the value and half exceeding it.
Step families are those formed when parents re-
partner following separation or death of their
partner and there is at least one step child aged
0-17 years of either member of the couple, but no
natural or adopted child aged 0-17 years from the
couple.
A blended family contains at least one step child
aged 0-17 years but also at least one natural or
adopted child aged 0-17 years of both parents.
.. living together
In 2009-10, 11% (1.9 million) of Australians
aged 18 years and over were living ina
de facto relationship, while 53% were ina
registered marriage.
De facto relationships were most common
amongst younger people, with one fifth (22%)
of people aged 20-29 years living in these
relationships, compared with nearly one tenth
(9.4%) of people aged 40-49 years. The
proportion of people aged 20-29 years living in
a de facto relationship has doubled since 1992,
where one tenth (10%) were living in one of
these relationships. The rate for people aged 40-
49 years has also nearly doubled (up from 4.7%)
during this time.
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
Cohabitation prior to registered marriage - 1990
%
a a, ss es rs |
1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010
Year
Source: ABS Marriages and Divorces 2010, 2001, 2000, 1997, 1994
(cat. no. 3310.0)
De facto relationships include those living in a
same-sex relationship and in 2009-10 there
were around 46,300 people living in a same sex
couple. The majority of these couples had no
children.
Cohabitation prior to registered marriage has
increased over the last twenty years. In the
early 1990s, just over half of all registered
marriages were preceded by a period of
cohabitation (56% in 1992).! By 2010 it was
almost eight in ten (79%).
Many people in de facto couples expect their
relationship to lead to marriage. In 2006-07, of the
1.6 million people aged 18 years and over who
were in a de facto relationship, just over two fifths
(42%) of them expected to enter into a registered
marriage with their current partner.
..age at first marriage
Over the last twenty years, the average age at
which Australians first marry has increased. In
2010, the median age at first marriage for men
was 29.6 years and 27.9 years for women, an
increase of more than three years since 1990
(26.5 years and 24.3 years respectively). Since
2002, the median age at first marriage for both
men and women has remained relatively
unchanged.
Median age at first marriage — 1990 — 2010
Save the date... month and day of
marriage in Australia
Between 1990 and 2010, spring and autumn were
the most popular seasons in which to marry. The
winter months tend to be the least popular time for
weddings, although in the Northern Territory
couples prefer to marry in June, July or August to
avoid unpredictable summer tropical weather.
In 1990, September recorded the most marriages
nationally, but in 2010, October was the most
popular month in which to wed. Generally in 2010,
Saturday was the most popular day to get married.
However, possibly due to the memorable date
10-10-10, Sunday 10 October saw the most weddings
in one day for 2010 with 2,454 couples tying the knot
that day.
There are many factors that may affect the age
at which Australians first marry. These include
the pursuit of higher education, the associated
delay in labour force participation, the
increasing social acceptance of cohabitation
before marriage, and children moving out of
the family home later in adulthood due to these
factors. In 2006-07, 49% of men and 45% of
women aged 18-24 years had never left the
parental home, mainly for financial reasons
(41%) or the convenience and/or enjoyment of
living at home (36%).
Since 1990, the median age at first marriage has
increased by three years for men and three and a
half years for women.
..marrying older
The trend of marrying later in life has also been
seen in the median age for all marriages (that is,
when second and subsequent marriages are
included). For men the median age for all
matriages rose from 28.2 years in 1990 to 31.4
years in 2010, while for women, it increased
from 25.9 years in 1990 to 29.2 years in 2010.
Age-specific marriage rate(a) — 1990 & 2010
Rate(a) —— Females (1990)
~——— Males (1990)
Age(years) —— Females (2010)
30 60 ——— Males (2010)
40
28
20
26 0
re ees ee ees ee es pees
16-19 20-24 25-29 3034 35-39 404 45-49 5SOand
—— Males over
——Femal
eee oe Age group (years)
1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010 (a) Marriages registered per calendar year per 1,000 estimated resident
Year population by 5-year age groups.
Source: ABS 2010 Marriages and Divorces, Australia (cat. no. 3310.0),
ABS 2008 Australian Historical Population Statistics
(cat. no. 3105.0.65.001)
Source: ABS 2010 Marriages and Divorces, Australia (cat. no. 3310.0), ABS
2008 Australian Historical Population Statistics
(cat. no. 3105.0.65.001)
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
13
In the twenty years to 2010, the age-specific
marriage rate more than halved in the 20-24 years
age group, dropping to 16.1 per 1,000 men (down
from 44.0 in 1990), and 28.4 per 1,000 women
(down from 66.0 in 1990).
Conversely, in middle age groups, the rate
increased. In 1990, the marriage rate for men
aged 30-34 years was 27.7 per 1,000 men, rising
to 35.7 in 2010. During this time the rate for
women in this age group also increased from
20.8 to 31.4 per 1,000 women.
Later childbearing
A range of factors has influenced changes in
Australia’s birth rates. While the age at
marriage is increasing, more time spent on
educational pursuits, and concerns regarding
financial stability,* have also contributed to
these changes.
While Australia’s total fertility rate has not
changed significantly between 1990 and 2010
(1.90 babies per woman in 1990, compared with
1.89 babies per woman in 2010), the age at
which women have their first baby has
changed. In 1990, the median age of first-time
mothers was 27.5 years. By 2010, this had
increased to 28.9 years.
Since 2000, women aged 30-34 years have
continued to record the highest fertility rate of
all age groups. In 1990, the fertility rate for this
age group was 102 babies per 1,000 women,
rising to 123 babies per 1,000 women in 2010.
Further, since 2005 the fertility rate for women
aged 35-39 years has exceeded that of women
aged 20-24 years.
..births outside of marriage
The proportion of births occurring outside
registered marriage has increased over the last
two decades. Overall, unmarried women bear
children at younger ages than women in
registered marriages.
Births outside of registered marriage —
1990 — 2010
20
rm T TT Tr Tr TF tT TT Tt TT Ft FY TF JF i iF Yt tv J
1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010
Year
Source: ABS Births, Australia, 2010; 2000; 1995; 1993 (cat. no. 3301.0)
Marriage and divorce across the states
and territories
The registration of marriages, and the granting of
divorces, differs across states and territories. In
2010, the states recording the highest and lowest
crude marriage rates also recorded the highest and
lowest crude divorce rates. The highest rates were
found in Queensland, with 5.9 marriages per 1,000
population and 2.5 divorces per 1,000 population.
The Northern Territory had the lowest crude
matriage rate at 4.2, as well as the lowest crude
divorce rate at 1.9. The rates reflect the state in
which the marriages are registered rather than the
state of usual residence of the applicants.
Men and women appeared to marry younger for
matriages registered in the ACT, Queensland and
South Australia. The lowest median age at first
marriage for males was for those registered in the
ACT (29.4 years), while Queensland and South
Australia had the lowest median age for females
(both 27.7 years). The Northern Territory had the
highest median age at marriage registered for both
males (30.7 years) and females (28.7 years).
The Northern Territory also had the highest
percentage of civil ceremonies, with civil celebrants
conducting nearly 8 out of 10 (78%) marriage
ceremonies in 2010. The ACT recorded the highest
percentage of religious marriage ceremonies, with
ministers of religion conducting more than a third
(35%) of all marriage ceremonies.
The Northern Territory also had the highest
proportion of babies born outside of marriage with
three-fifths (60%). The ACT recorded the lowest
proportion of births outside of marriage with 27%.
Queensland and Tasmania recorded the highest
proportion of couples living together prior to marriage
registered in the state in 2010 (both 86%). New South
Wales recorded the lowest proportion (72%).
In 2010, the median age of unmarried mothers
was 27.3 years, just over three years older than
in 1990 (24.0 years), and nearly four and a half
years younger than the median age of married
women giving birth in 2010 (31.7 years). The
proportion of babies born outside registered
marriage also rose during this time, from just
over one fifth (22%) to just over one third (34%)
of all births.
Unmarried fathers also have children at
younger ages. In 2010 the median age of
unmarried fathers was 29.9 years compared
with 34.0 years for married fathers. The median
age of fathers has increased over the last twenty
years, by 2.6 years for both married and
unmarried fathers.
How many divorces?
Although more divorces were granted in 2010
(50,200) than in 1990 (42,600), the crude divorce
rate was comparatively lower (2.3 divorces per
1,000 estimated resident population, down
from 2.5).
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
14
Crude divorce rate — 1990 — 2010
Rate(a)
35
1.5
1990 1994 1998 2006 2010
Year
2002
(a) Divorces granted during a calendar year per 1,000 estimated resident
population.
Source: ABS 2010 Marriages and Divorces, Australia (cat. no. 3310.0),
ABS 2008 Australian Historical Population Statistics
(cat. no. 3105.0.65.001)
However, over the last two decades the crude
divorce rate has varied. Rates during this
period peaked in 1996 and 2001, at 2.9 divorces
per 1,000 estimated resident population, while
the lowest rate of 2.2 occurred in 2008. In part,
the fluctuations in the crude divorce rate reflect
both a changing population age structure, and a
changing proportion of the population that is
married.
..years to separation and divorce
The number of years to separation and divorce
has remained stable since 2006, and recent
divorce statistics show couples are married for
longer before ending their marriage.
In 2010, the median length of marriage before
separation was 8.8 years, just over one year
longer than in 1990 (7.5 years). The median
length of time before divorcing increased by
two years, from 10.2 years in 1990 to 12.3 years
in 2010.
Couples are also now separated for longer prior
to divorce. In 1990, the average length of time
between separation and divorce was 2.7 years.
In 2010 this gap had increased to 3.5 years.
..age at separation and divorce
As couples are choosing to marry later in life, and
marriages are lasting longer, couples also tend to
divorce at older ages. In the last two decades, the
median age at separation has increased by
approximately six years for both men and women.
In 2010, the median age for males at separation
was 40.8 years, and 44.4 years at divorce, up
from 35.3 years and 38.2 years respectively in
1990. Reflecting the age gap between men and
women at marriage, the female median age at
separation was 38.1 years, and 41.5 years at
divorce, up from 32.4 years and 35.3 years in
1990.
Median age at divorce — 1990 — 2010
— Males Age
«Females (years)
44
42
40
38
36
34
1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010
Year
Source: ABS Marriages and Divorces, Australia, 2010, 2002, 2001, 1998,
1997, 1996, 1995, 1994 (cat. no. 3310.0),
ABS Divorces, Australia, 2004, 2003, 2002 (cat. no. 3307.0.55.001)
Divorce and children
Between 1990 and 2010, the proportion of
divorces involving children decreased from
56% to 49%. Divorces between couples with
children aged less than 18 years made up
around half of all divorces in Australia in recent
years. The proportion has remained relatively
stable since declining to 50% in 2002.
The reality of divorce means that many children
live without regular contact with one of their
parents (usually the father) after separation. In
2009-10, of the 5 million children aged 0-17
years, just over 1 million, or one in five (21%),
had a natural parent living elsewhere. For four
fifths (81%) of these children, the parent living
elsewhere was their father.
Of all children who had a natural parent living
elsewhere, nearly half (48%) saw this parent at
least once per fortnight, while one quarter
(24%) saw them less than once per year or
never.
Nearly three quarters (73%) of children with a
parent living elsewhere were in one parent
families, 14% lived in step families, and 11%
lived in blended families.
Divorces involving children(a)(b)— 1990 — 2010
ee
1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010
Year
(a) As a proportion of all divorces.
(b) Children aged under 18 years.
Source: ABS 2010 Marriages and Divorces, Australia (cat. no. 3310.0), ABS
2008 Australian Historical Population Statistics
(cat. no. 3105.0.65.001)
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
15
International Comparisons
English-speaking countries generally have the
highest crude divorce rates and countries which are
the least secularised generally have the lowest.
Differences between countries will also be affected
by their respective population age structures and
marriage rates.
Countries with high Catholic populations, such as
Poland and Italy had lower rates (1.7 and 0.9
respectively), as well as countries with largely
Islamic populations like Turkey (1.4) and Iran (1.4).
The Vatican and the Philippines are the only
countries where divorce is illegal.
A ‘no-fault’ divorce principle was introduced in
Australia by the Family Law Act 1975. Australia is
one of the few nations that operate by this
principle; others include the United States of
America, Canada and Malta.
Crude divorce rate(a), selected
countries — 2008
Russian Federation
UK(b)(c)(d)
New Zealand
Australia
Poland
China(c)(e)
Iran(f)
Turkey
Italy (c)
(a) Per 1,000 population.
(b) Excludes Channel Islands and Isle of Man.
(c) Data for 2007.
(d) Provisional data.
(e)
e) Excludes Special Administrative Regions and Taiwan
Province.
(f) Data for 21 March 2007 to 20 March 2008.
Source: United Nations, 2009, Divorces and crude divorce
rates, by urban/rural residence: 2004-2008,
<http://unstats.un.org>
Looking ahead
The last two decades have seen changes in
Australians’ relationship behaviour, the
composition of families and the decision on
when to have children. These changes will
affect the ways couples and families form,
interact and live together into the future.
Endnotes
1 Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1994, Focus on
Families: Demographics and Family Formation, cat.
no. 4420.0, Canberra, <www.abs.gov.au>.
Za Gray, M., Qu, L. & Weston, R., 2008, Fertility and
amily policy in Australia: Research paper no. 41
Australian Institute of Family Studies,
Melbourne, <www.aifs.gov.au>.
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
16
- ‘
a
s
Many people with disability engage in work
and make a valuable contribution to society.
Employment can provide financial
independence, a better standard of living and
improved physical and mental health.' Entering
employment can provide individuals with
increased confidence, expanding their social
network and social skills as well as
opportunities to develop a career by gaining
new work skills and knowledge.
Recent decades have seen major developments
towards achieving workplace equality for all
Australians, including those with disability. The
Disability Discrimination Act 1992 (DDA) aims
to protect people from discrimination because
of their disability. Following a Productivity
Commission Review? in 2004, the DDA was
changed to further protect the equality of
opportunity for people with disability. In
addition to legislative protection, since 2009
employment support has been provided
through the National Disability Agreement
(NDA).4
Although there have been improvements in
anti-discrimination legislation, people with
disability are still less likely to be working than
other Australians. The labour force
participation rate for those aged 15-64 years
with disability in 2009 was 54%, much lower
than that for those without disability (83%).
One of the priority outcomes of the National
Disability Strategy 2010-2020 is to ‘increase
access to employment opportunities as a key to
improving economic security and personal
wellbeing for people with disability...’.°
This article investigates the labour force
characteristics of Australians aged 15-64 years
with disability.
Disability rate by age(a) — 1993 - 2009
%
40
30
20
10
(a)
@ 1993
B 1998
B 2003
@ 2009
15-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64
Age (years)
People aged 15-64 years and living in households.
Source: ABS Survey of Disability, Ageing and Carers, 1993, 1998, 2003
2009
DUKy-JeyiTiavar-lalem\' cela.
Data sources and definitions
Most of the data in this article are from the ABS
2009 Survey of Disability, Ageing and Carers
(SDAC) (cat. no. 4430.0).
This article focuses on people aged 15-64 years
living with disability and living in households.
Disability In this article a person has a disability if
they have a limitation, restriction or impairment,
which has lasted, or is likely to last, for at least six
months and restricts everyday activities. Disability
is defined based on the International Classification
of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF).
Core activity limitations There are four levels of
core activity limitation based on whether a person
needs help, has difficulty, or uses aids or
equipment with any of the following core activities:
communication, mobility and self-care. The levels
of limitation used in this article are profound or
severe, moderate or mild, and other disability
(people with a disability other than a core activity
limitation). A person's overall level of core activity
limitation is determined by their highest level of
limitation in these activities.
Employed A person is employed if they reported
that they had worked, either full or part time
(fewer than 35 hours per week), in a job, business
or farm during the reference week (the full week
prior to the date of interview); or that they had a
job in the reference week, but were not at work.
Unemployed A person is unemployed if they were
not employed during the reference week and:
e had actively looked for full-time or part-time
work at any time in the four weeks up to the
end of the reference week; and
e were available for work in the reference week.
Not in the labour force A person who was neither
employed nor unemployed.
Participation rate The number of people employed
or unemployed, which comprises the labour force,
as a proportion of the total number of the
population.
Unemployment rate The number of unemployed as
a proportion of the total labour force.
People with disability
In 2009, there were 2.2 million Australians aged
15-64 years with disability, up from
1.7 million in 1993. The disability rate for
Australians aged 15-64 years, those of ‘prime
working age’, rose from 15% in 1993 to a peak
of 17% in 2003, then returned to 15% in 2009. In
2009, just over half (51%) of people with
disability were women.
The likelihood of living with disability
increases with age. In 2009, the disability rate
among 15-24 year olds was 6.6% and the rate
was higher for successively older age groups,
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
with 18% of 45-54 year olds, and 31% of 55-64
year olds living with disability in 2009.
Labour force participation
Labour force participation provides an
indication of both the desire for and availability
of paid work, and the ability to obtain and
perform such work. Between 1993 and 2009, the
labour force participation rate for working-age
people (15-64 years) with disability was
relatively stable. In 1993, the rate was 55%, and
this was broadly similar in 2009 at 54%.
Conversely, over the same period, the
participation rate for working-age people with
no disability increased from 77% in 1993 to 83%
in 2009.
In 2009, just over half (54%) of working-age people
with disability participated in the labour force
compared with 83% of working-age people without
disability.
Over the sixteen years from 1993 to 2009, the
unemployment rate for 15-64 year olds with
disability decreased from 17.8% to 7.8%, in line
with the similar decline in unemployment for
those with no disability (from 12.0% in 1993 to
5.1% in 2009). However, the unemployment rate
for people with disability continued to be
significantly higher than for those without
disability in 2009.
Nearly half (46%) of working-age people with
disability were not in the labour force in 2009,
and more than half of these (59%) were
Labour force participation by disability
status and age(a) — 2009
Participation
rate %
100
80
@ Disability
@ No disability
60
40
20
0
15-24 253 354 4554 55-64
Age (years)
(a) People aged 15-64 years and living in households.
Source: ABS 2009 Survey of Disability, Ageing and Carers
permanently unable to work. Of those people
with disability who were not in the labour
force, one fifth (20% or 194,000) had no
employment restriction, meaning that it was
not their disability which prevented them from
working. Difficulties such as access to childcare
(22%), were reported as limiting these people’s
ability to participate in the labour force despite
having no employment restrictions. For people
without disability who were not in the labour
force, other difficulties were reported such as a
lack of vacancies or suitable hours (both 11%).
..age and sex
Labour force participation rates for people with
disability varied with age, a similar pattern to
people without disability. The difference in
labour force participation between people with
and without disability increased with age.
Disability status(a) by labour force status — 2009
Males
With No
disability(b) disability
Labour force status % %
Employed full time 42.5 70.5
Employed part time 12.3 13.9
Total employed 54.8 84.4
Unemployed 4.9 4.5
Not in the labour force 40.2 11.1
Total 100.0 100.0
Total (‘000) 1,059.4 6,323.0
% %
Participation rate 59.8 88.9
Unemployment rate 8.2 5.0
(a) People aged 15-64 years and living in households.
Females Total
With No With No
disability(b) disability disability(b) disability
% % % %
19.9 38.2 31.0 54.5
25.5 34.5 19.1 24.1
45.5 72.7 50.0 78.6
3.6 4.0 4.2 4.2
51.0 23.4 45.7 17.2
100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
1,111.9 6,224.9 2,171.3 12,547.9
% % % %
49.0 76.6 54.3 82.8
7.3 5.2 7.8 5.1
(b) Includes those who may not have a specific limitation or restriction.
Source: ABS 2009 Survey of Disability, Ageing and Carers
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
18
Selected labour force characteristics by Disability groups
disability group(a) — 2009 Disabilities can be broadly grouped depending on
whether they relate to functioning of the mind or
_ oe J ead the senses, to anatomy or physiology. A person is
participation Unemployment classified to one or more of the following five
Disability People rate rate disability groups:
group ‘000 * 7 e Sensory or speech (loss of sight, hearing or
Sensory and speech difficulties)
Bpecen nae? Pet ie e = Intellectual (difficulty with learning, or
Intellectual 244.8 40.9 16.3 understanding things)
Physical 1,546.0 49.7 7.5 e Physical (breathing difficulties, blackouts,
fits, chronic or recurrent pain, incomplete
Psychological 369.6 29.2 18.9 use of arms, finger, feet or legs, restriction in
Head injury, physical activities or in doing physical work,
stroke or disfigurement)
Phallscatiace Ta2ee 2a:0 15.3 e Psychological (nervous or emotional
All with a condition, mental illness)
SONA), Pt e Head injury, stroke or brain damage (with long-
No disability 12,547.9 82.8 5.1 term effects that restrict everyday activities)
All people 14,719.2 78.6 5.4
without disability (2%). For people aged 55-64
years with disability, their low participation
rate may partly reflect the desire for retirement
or difficulties experienced by mature-age job
seekers, which can discourage some from
looking for work.’
(a) People aged 15-64 years and living in households.
(b) Includes other disability type(s) and those who may not have a
specific limitation or restriction.
Source: ABS 2009 Survey of Disability, Ageing and Carers
The peak of participation for people with
disability was in the 25-34 years age group
while for those without disability, participation
peaked at 45-54 years. People aged 55-64 years
with disability had the lowest participation rate
(40%) of all the age groups. Of people of this
age, with disability and not in the labour force,
nearly one third (30%) reported long-term
illness or injury as a reason for not wanting to
work, much higher than people of the same age
There were differences in labour force
participation between working-age men and
women among those with disability, with
women (49%) less likely to participate than men
(60%). This was also true for people without
disability (77% and 89% respectively), partly
reflecting women’s roles in family
responsibilities.
..disability type
Spotlight on a disability - Mental illness Of the five main disability groups, the most
The ABS National Health Survey 2007-08 (cat.no. common in 2009 was physical disability, which
4364.0) tells us there were 1.8 million people of affected nearly three quarters (71%) of working-
working-age living with mental illness in Australia.® age people with disability. This was much
Mental illness is a clinically diagnosable disorder higher than the proportion with sensory and
that significantly interferes with an individual's 5g 0 ;
i: aa speech disability (21%) or psychological
cognitive, emotional or social abilities. Mental ; ae 6
disorders can include anxiety, affective or mood disability (17%). People can be affected by more
disorders, and substance abuse disorders.” than one type of disability and therefore be
Having a mental illness does not always result in classified into one or more disability ie aa
disability. Of the 1.8 million people with mental The type of disability that an individual has can
a in eae less than half (43%) reported affect their likelihood of participating in the
ja aaa labour market. People with sensory or speech
Having a mental health disability can significantly impairment had the best labour market
eanoete ul ea = jeune alliicy @ ongage ulm Me outcomes with a participation rate of 54% and
labour market. In 2007-08, the participation rate of 1 brates of 700% Sonal |
people with disabling mental illness was 51%, much ah EP en ee te) WOES peop
lower than the rate for people without disability whose disability was psychological had the
(82%). This disparity may in part result from lowest participation rate (29%), and the highest
prejudice towards people with mental health unemployment rate (19%). People with sensory
conditions.* Of people living with disabling mental . . :
illness who were employed in 2007-08, significantly One Doc sin paiemcaemay De apie topenent
more (49%) worked part time, compared with all from assistive technologies but this is not the
people without disability (28%).6 case for people with psychological disability
Note: The 2007-08 National Health Survey such as mental illness. People with mental
measured disability differently to the Survey of illness may experience disruption te their work
Disability, Ageing and Carers, and as such the attendance and career due to the episodic
results from these surveys differ. nature of their disability."!
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
19
..disability severity
The severity of disability is an indication of a
person/s limitations in the core activities of
communication, mobility and self-care. Of
people aged 15-64 years with disability, almost
one quarter (23%) had profound or severe
disability, while nearly half (47%) had moderate
or mild disability. About one third (30%) of
people with disability did not have a core
activity limitation, yet they may have had a
school or work restriction.
As with disability type, the severity of a
person’s disability is reflected in their ability to
participate in the labour force. Generally, labour
force participation decreases as the severity of
disability increases. In 2009, those aged 15-64
years with moderate or mild disability had a
participation rate of 53%, while those with
profound or severe disability had a labour force
participation rate of 31%. This pattern was
evident across all types of disability. For
example, the participation rate of those with
moderate or mild physical restriction was 51%,
while those with profound or severe physical
restriction had a participation rate of 28%.
To see a pattern in unemployment rates,
severity and type of disability need to be looked
at together. For example, the unemployment
rate for people with intellectual disability was
high in comparison with other disability
eroups, regardless of severity. Those with
moderate or mild intellectual disability (20%)
had a higher unemployment rate than those
with moderate or mild physical disability
(8.8%). This may partly reflect the unique
barriers that people with intellectual disability
face in accessing education and work.
..employment restrictions
Some people with disability experience
employment restrictions such as being
restricted in the type of job they can do or the
number of hours they can work, or needing
special assistance in the workplace. People with
disability who had an employment restriction
were far less likely to be participating in the
labour force (46%) than those without an
employment restriction (71%).
Of the 69% of people with disability who had
an employment restriction, two of the most
common restrictions were the type of job or the
number of hours they could work (51% and
31% respectively). People with profound or
severe disability were the most likely to have
some kind of employment restriction (92%).
Employment
In Australia in 2009, over one million working-
age people with disability (50%) were in paid
employment, comprising 10% of the total
Young people with a disability
For young people, the time of transition from
school to continued study or employment can be
critical for their long-term economic future. For
young people with disability, they must take
account of their abilities and restrictions in their
choice of study and work paths. Completing Year
12 can enhance study and work options. The 2009
Survey of Disability, Ageing and Carers indicated
that of people aged 18-24 years with disability,
nearly two fifths (38%) had completed Year 12
compared with almost half (49%) of those without
disability.
While the majority of young Australians either
work, study or do a combination of both, there are
some young people who are not doing either.
These people are described as not fully engaged
and are at risk of unemployment or only securing
low paid work. Being fully engaged describes
people who are either studying full time; working
full time; or studying part time and working part
time.
In 2009, almost two-fifths (38%) of young people
(15-24 years of age) with disability were fully
engaged. This compares with over half (56%) of
young people without disability who were fully
engaged. Young people with disability who were
not fully engaged were either working part time
(25%), studying part time (7%) or doing neither
(68%).
Australian workforce. Men with disability
(55%) were more likely to be employed than
women with disability (45%).
..Nours worked
Generally, people with disability who were
employed were more likely than people
without disability to work part time (38% and
31% respectively). The number of hours usually
worked by people with disability was
associated with the severity and type of
disability they had.
People with profound or severe disability who
worked were more likely to work part time
hours than those with less severe disability.
Nevertheless, almost half (49%) of those with
profound or severe disability who were
working, worked full time.
Hours usually worked each week(a) by
severity of disability
0
bin @ Profound or severe
@ Moderate or mild
®@ Other disability (b)
60. BNo disability
, oy
tin HH ih
1-15 16-4 35 or more
Hours usually worked per week
(a) People aged 15-64 years and living in households.
(b) Includes those who may not have a specific limitation or
restriction.
Source: ABS 2009 Survey of Disability, Ageing and Carers
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
Income support
A key role of the Australian Government in
supporting people with disability is the provision
of income support. Around 819,000 people with
disability* in Australia received the Disability
Support Pension (DSP) in June 2011.! Income and
assets testing of the pension enable Disability
Support Pension (DSP) recipients to earn an income
while still receiving full-pension or part-pension.!
The number of people receiving the DSP is
growing despite relative stability in the disability
rate.!4 This growth is partly due to changes in the
eligibility criteria such as the relaxation in the
number of hours recipients are able to work while
being able to continue receipt of the payment.
The Productivity Commission has completed an
inquiry into disability care and support in
Australia. The outcomes of this inquiry have led
the Australian Government to develop reforms to
the DSP and establish a National Disability
Insurance Scheme (NDIS).15
It is proposed that the NDIS will provide insurance
cover for all Australians in the event of significant
disability. This cover will provide long-term care
and support.!° Suggested reforms to the DSP will
allow recipients to work more hours than
previously permitted.
* Disability is defined as being unable to work for 2
years because of illness, injury or disability, or
being permanently blind.
Among the five disability groups, psychological
and intellectual disabilities have greater
association with fewer working hours. More
than a third (35%) of people with psychological
disability who worked, usually worked no
more than 15 hours, followed by people with
intellectual disability (30%). In contrast, about
two thirds of employed people with sensory or
speech disability (66%) or physical disability
(61%) worked full time.
..occupation and industry
Almost one fifth (19%) of working-age people
with disability who were employed in 2009
worked as professionals, followed by clerical
and administrative workers, and technicians
and trade workers (both 15%). The distribution
of people across different occupations is similar
for people with and without disability.
However, there was some variation of
occupations according to the type of disability.
For example, around one third (34%) of
employed people with intellectual disability
were working as labourers, such as cleaners, in
2009, while one-fifth (20%) of employed people
with sensory or speech disability were in
professional occupations, such as secondary
school teachers.
Both people with and without disability had
similar distributions across industry groups.
Some industries had a higher than average
(10%) disability prevalence rate, particularly
Agriculture, forestry and fishing (15%) and
Transport, postal and warehousing (12%). This
may be partly reflective of the older age profile
of people in these industries.
People with disability who were working were
more likely to run their own business (13%),
and/or work from home (9%), than employed
people without disability (10% and 6%
respectively). Such situations may enhance the
flexibility of working arrangements, making it
easier for people with disability to participate in
the labour force.
..INCome sources
Among working-age people with disability
who were employed, the most commonly
reported main source of cash income was
wages or salary (77%), much higher than the
next most common income sources,
government pensions or allowances, and
business income (both 9%).
Of people with disability who were employed,
over one fifth (22%) received some form of
government pension or allowance. This was
nearly double that of people without disability
who were employed and in receipt of a
government pension or allowance (12%). People
with disability who were working part time
were more likely to receive a government
pension or allowance (41%) than those working
full time (10%). The main disability income
support, The Disability Support Pension, can
provide income to supplement earnings from
work (see Income support box).
assistance needed
Employers and disability employment service
providers may need to make special
arrangements to ensure that employees with
disability have a suitable environment in which
to work. In 2009, 12% of employed people with
disability required some type of special work
arrangement such as being provided with
special equipment or being allocated different
duties.
The type of disability influenced whether
assistance was needed in the workplace and the
kind of assistance required. Employed people
with psychological or intellectual disability
were likely to require special working
arrangements, with nearly one fifth (18% and
16% respectively) receiving assistance, such as a
support person to assist or train them on the
job. People with sensory or speech disability
who were working were less likely to require
special working arrangements, with one tenth
(9%) receiving special working arrangements.
For this disability group, assistance provided
took the form of special equipment (48%).
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 20122
' 4 SY.
wi Cg
International Comparisons
In the mid-2000s, of selected OECD countries, the
Czech Republic had the highest unemployment
rate for people with disability whilst Mexico had
the lowest. Australia, Canada, the Netherlands,
Sweden and the United Kingdom all had relatively
similar rates of unemployment for people with
disability.
Unemployment rates by disability
status(a) — 2003-2006
Czech Republic
Germany
Ireland
Hungary
Italy
Korea
Canada
Netherlands
Australia
Sweden
United Kingdom
United States
Mexico
®@ Disability
® No disability
0 10 20 30
(a) People aged 15-64 years.
Source: OECD Sickness, Disability and Work (Keeping on
Track in the Economic Downturn) Background Paper, 2009.
www.oecd.org. All data are for 2005 except Australia (2003),
Mexico and United States (2004), and Canada and United
Kingdom (2006). Note that the disability definitions vary
across countries.
The severity of disability also influenced
whether a person required any special work
arrangements, with 10% of employed people
with moderate or mild disability needing
special work arrangements compared with one
fifth (20%) of those with profound or severe
disability.
Unemployment
As well as being less likely to participate in the
labour force, people with disability who do
participate are more likely to be unemployed.
The unemployment rate for 15-64 year olds
with disability in 2009 was 7.8%, compared
with 5.1% for people without disability. The
unemployment rates of men and women with
disability were not significantly different (8.2%
and 7.3% respectively).
As with the labour force participation rate, the
unemployment rate varied between disability
eroups. People with sensory or speech
disability had the lowest unemployment rate
(7.0%). Conversely, people living with
psychological or intellectual disability had the
highest unemployment rates (19% and 16%
respectively).
Barriers and incentives to work
In 2009 according to the Survey of Disability,
Ageing and Carers, for people with disability aged
15-64 years seeking work, the most commonly
reported main difficulty in finding work was their
own ill health or disability (35%). This was
followed by their lack of the necessary skills or
education (13%).
Similarly, people with disability who were not in
the labour force reported long-term illness or injury
as the main reason for not wanting to work (52%)
or not looking for work (35%).
The 2008-09 ABS Survey of Barriers and Incentives
to Labour Force Participation indicated that, for
people who assessed their health as poor, the most
commonly reported incentives to enable work
included being able to maintain welfare benefits
(39%), less paperwork from government agencies
(31%) and being able to sit down (26%).!”
Under the National Disability Agreement (NDA)
people with disability have access to increased and
improved services to assist them into work.* Two
types of specialist agencies exist to support people
with disability to find and maintain work:
e §=Australian Disability Enterprises (around
20,000 people with disability employed in
Australian Disability Enterprises)
e = =©The Disability Employment Services
(employment assistance for job seekers with
disability)"®
The latest progress report of the NDA indicates
that there was an 83% increase in the number of
people using disability employment services from
64,800 in 2004-05 to 118,800 in 2009-10."
An example of overcoming the
barriers...
Jo* had a strong interest in getting work, but had
been struggling with anxiety issues since recently
finishing Year 12. Jo's feelings of anxiety meant she
found it hard to talk to people; she was reluctant to
leave home and worried about how she would
manage job interviews and employment. After a
referral to a disability employment services
provider, CRS Australia, Jo received guidance on
job options, interview techniques and disability
counselling and support. Jo was interested in jobs
in retail and when an option for a job at a
supermarket came up, she was keen but anxious.
The employment service helped Jo prepare for
work at the supermarket, working with her
psychologist. After an initial work experience
placement, Jo was offered a paid position and has
now worked there for six months.
‘I feel good! It is a great environment to work in and I
enjoy the social aspect. Work experience helped a lot’,
said Jo.
* Name changed for confidentiality.
Source: CRS Australia, 2012, www.crsaustralia.gov.au.
ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
22
People not in the labour force
In 2009, of people aged 15-64 years with
disability, 46% were not in the labour force,
which is significantly higher than people with
no disability (17%). Of the nearly one million
people with disability who were not in the
labour force, more than half were women
(57%). In comparison, over two thirds (67%) of
people without disability who were not in the
labour force were women. Nearly half (46%) of
people with disability who were not in the
labour force were aged 55-64 years, and of
those of this age, 71% were permanently unable
to work.
Having long-term illness or disability was
reported by more than half (52%) of those not in
the labour force as the main reason for not
wanting, or not being able to work. Other main
reasons for not being in the labour force were
being satisfied with their current situation (no
need to work for now) (18%), or being
permanently retired (9%). Of people with
disability who were not in the labour force,
some found it difficult to find a job due to their
illness or disability (41%) or because they
lacked the necessary skills or experience (8%).
Looking ahead
The Australian Government, through the
National Disability Agreement, provides support
to people with disability who wish to enter
employment.’ Under the National Disability
Strategy 2010-2020, federal, and state and
territory governments are making a concerted
effort to improve and increase employment
services for people with disability.° In addition,
planned reforms to the Australian welfare
support system, including the National
Disability Insurance Scheme, aim to create
increased opportunities for people with
disability to enter and maintain employment."
Increases in labour force participation may
improve both financial security and personal
wellbeing for people with disability.
Endnotes
1
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
Ross CE and Mirowsky J. 1995 ‘Does
Employment Affect Health?’ Journal of Health and
Social Behaviour 36(3): 230-243.
The Disability Discrimination Act 1992 , viewed
31 October 2011 <www.comlaw.gov.au>.
Productivity Commission 2004 Review of the
Disability Discrimination Act 2 1992 , viewed 31
October 2011 <www.pc.gov.au>.
Department of Families, Housing, Community
Services and Indigenous Affairs 2009_The
National Disability Agreement 2009, viewed 24
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ABS AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL TRENDS 4102.0 MARCH 2012
23
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